Ways of Knowing - Introduction to 'Worldview' from a Historical Perspective

Worldviews are closely connected to ways of knowing. How Indigenous peoples come to know and understand the world around them creates a body of knowledge that is expressed in science, political systems, economic systems, and artistic expression such as drumming, dancing, writing, or other storytelling (storytelling can include pictographs, petroglyphs, wampum belts, crested blankets, totem poles, winter counts, or the sides of a painted tipi). There are many nations and therefore many worldviews. There are, however, some common themes that run across most Indigenous worldviews, characterized by the concept of the circle, interconnectedness, connection to place, and the four Rs (respect, reciprocity, responsibility, and relationships). Indigenous worldviews are also characterized by a belief in the power of creating harmony: by creating a positive shared mind with all of creation and honouring one’s connection to all other sacred beings within creation, one creates “power with,” as opposed to “power over.” The four Rs are honoured daily through experiential interactions with the cosmos, the environment, and other people. Through empathy, compassion, and kinship, Indigenous peoples believe that it is possible to create a harmonious world. Elders say that words and thoughts have the power to create and change the world.

Language reflects worldview. Most Aboriginal languages focus on action and transformation (Cree uses more verbs than nouns), relationship, and more than one way of understanding. For Aboriginal peoples, there may be multiple realities. There is no such thing as absolute truth; all truth is relative to a particular context, and reality is represented in the relationship one has with truth. Thus, an object or thing is not as important as one’s relationships to it. Reality is represented in relationships, which means that reality is not a static state – it is a process, and this process will be different for each person.

Indigenous learning addresses the whole person, encompassing the mental, physical, spiritual, and emotional capabilities of that person in relation to all living thi

ngs. This unified vision is in contrast to the European focus on an analytic approach, and the fragmentation of concepts within discrete disciplines. For Indigenous peoples, analysis is cumulative, collaborative, and circular. These ways of knowing are reflected in Indigenous worldviews, which emphasize connectivity, relationality, and interrelatedness.

Used with permission from Suzanne Methot, Dragonfly Consulting Services Canada, http://dragonflycanada.ca/resources/aboriginal-worldviews/ 

An elder is a male or female adult who has earned a reputation for wisdom and spiritual knowledge. Elders perform traditional ceremonies, are respected as teachers and are often sought out as healers. Some achieve this status because they have spent a lifetime studying a particular aspect of their people’s culture and traditions; others achieve it because they are members of sacred societies or holders of sacred objects. Still others are respected as elders for their kindness and generosity. Elders’ contribution to education is enormous because they possess specialized knowledge about First Nations, Métis or Inuit history, society, and spirituality. Elders seldom announce their status or position but are known to their communities. Education is our Buffalo p. 32

Elders are considered vital to the survival of Aboriginal cultures, and the transmission of cultural knowledge is an essential part of the preservation and promotion of cultural traditions and their protocols. Elders are always to be treated with great respect and honour. The roles of elders vary greatly from community to community, as do the protocols and traditions they teach. As noted in Our Words, Our Ways (Alberta Education 2005), elders often perform such services as • giving prayers before meetings, • describing or performing traditional ceremonies, • sharing traditional knowledge, • giving spiritual advice to individuals, • demonstrating traditional crafts and practices and • teaching the community’s protocols.

The best way to approach an elder and learn the proper protocols is to ask contacts in the community, such as Aboriginal liaisons in the school system, parents or Friendship Centre staff. Community members will provide the names of respected elders and can help teachers determine which elders would be appropriate visitors to the school or classroom. When approaching a First Nations or Métis elder, protocol usually requires an offering of tobacco, a traditional sacred plant that is used to open the door to consult with elders. An Aboriginal liaison worker or elder’s helper can guide you in the appropriate protocol for your community. Education is Our Buffalo p. 40

A worldview is a set of beliefs that you hold true and live by. It is the way that you see the world through your version of reality that helps form your thoughts, values, and decisions. To understand the 'Worldview' of any culture, it is important to know about the history of that culture. Where did the values and beliefs come from? 

1. What was their geographical connection to the land and how did that affect cultural development and, ultimately, the worldview?  
2. Was life easy or was it difficult and how was the ease or difficulty reflected in the cultural development? 
3. How did the people interact with each other, both in the family environment, the extended family and those people outside of the family unit - the community? 
4. What was the social composition of the peoples - who had power, how were 'roles' assigned? 
5. How were issues and conflict resolved? 
6. How was knowledge passed to the next generation? 
7. What traditions and ceremonies were celebrated? 
   
8. What social norms were acceptable and unacceptable and how was deviation from these norms handled?

These are only a few of the many questions that can be asked in an exploration of a societies development of a worldview.

The single ancestral language of Eskaleut contains evidence of similarities to the Chukchi, Doryak, and Itel'men languages of Northern-Eastern Siberia. Eskaleut languages are spoken all across the Arctic region with degrees of regional difference. The Eskaleut languages are Inuktitut, Invialui, Copper, Inuit, Netsilik Inuit, Caribou Inuit, Igloolik Inuit, Baffin Land Inuit, and Labrador Inuit. The Eskaleut language group has a complex system of individual dialects that are divided not by region but by gender and age. For example, in the Inuvik region, the Eskaleut practised tekhonymy, which means that an individual, on becoming a parent, becomes known by the name of the child with a suffix indicating a relationship. Hence, a new father's name would change to the equivalent of 'Joe's father'.

The close proximity of band society in the Arctic region created a variety of everyday stresses. The harsh climate limited freedom of movement and individuals had to deal with others continually throughout the long winter season. There were also periods of insecurity over dwindling food sources. These stresses were released through competitive sports and dancing. Rock throwing, finger pulling, and wrestling were games of strength, and long jump and high jump tested agility. These games were often used to test the power or friendliness of strangers. The Inuit also gambled and the loser of a wager might lose his tent, kayak, or wife. The Inuit are accredited with playing hundreds of different games.

Religion helped the Inuit to cope with the uncertainties of life. The Caribou Inuit vested certain men and women with special spiritual powers. The shaman performed healing rites in the name of the two supreme deities, Hila, a male spirit, and Pinga, a female spirit. The spirits had the power to give or take away food, illness or good fortune, so the shaman offered advice or warnings from the spirit world. Religious rituals were centred on important life stages such as birth and death. The Labrador Inuit had a female deity, Supergu'ksoak, who protected land animals, and a male deity, Tornga'rsoak', who protected sea mammals. The shaman relayed the descriptions and adventures of these two deities to the band. He also appealed to them on behalf of the band for a successful hunt.

The ancestors of Athapaskan speakers dispersed throughout the Sub-Arctic region, with groups splitting away and moving onto the Plains and Plateau regions. The languages of the Athapaskan language group are Chipewyan, Beaver, Dene, Dene Dhaa, Tsuu T'ina (Sarcee), Sekani, Kaska, Tutchone, Han, and Gwich'in. All of these languages have several similar traits, which supports the theory that the ancestors of these speakers migrated relatively recently, and as a group.

The Athapaskan bands were groups of extended families that co-operated in resource procurement. The bands enhanced their numbers by maintaining social networks with neighbouring bands. These alliances were often created from marriage ties. Polygamy was practised by the elder men of the band and this forced the younger men to wait until they earned the right to marry. Girls married soon after puberty while young men were adults before they married. This trend created a large number of widows. Names were given to children based on behaviours or signs that were thought to reveal a child's character. An Athapaskan belief was that a baby born with one to two teeth was reincarnated from a previous life. Children of the Dene Dhaa were given their father's name at birth. The father was then known as 'father of'.

The Dene had a well-defined set of rules that were governed by a group of elders. They monitored three aspects of band life. Natural resources were the first priority, family issues were the second, and the third was local government. Individuals who broke the rules were disciplined by a reprimand from the elders. A more serious infraction was disciplined with a public censure.

Athapaskan speakers occupied the forest and tundra territories of the sub-arctic. They lived within the rhythms of their environment and as a result did not leave debris, which often occurs around human settlement. Archaeologists, therefore, have difficulty reconstructing a model of Athapaskan life because very little trace of their existence was left upon the environment. Ornamented bone tools incised with linear engravings, as well as scrapers and pendants are the artefacts that constitute the archaeological record of the Athapaskans.

Hunting and gathering were major activities for Athapaskans, and spirituality was linked to the finding of food and survival in a harsh climate. Supernatural spirits were thanked if resources were plentiful. If resources were scarce then the spirits were appeased with offerings. One of the supernatural beings, or bogeymen, feared was Kakhani. He was identified as a half-man, half-monster, and feared as an evil spirit who stole children. Athapaskans decorated their snowshoes with paint, strings of shells, and, frequently among the western tribes, with amulets woven into the snowshoe's babiche to keep the wearer safe from unfriendly spirits.

The Athapaskans also believed that the crow and owl spoke to humans. Ivory spirit-helpers, in the shape of animals, were the tools used by shamans to perform rituals. Holy men or women were primarily healers but they also foretold the weather and location of the game. The shaman also presided over rituals for the dead. The deceased was believed to travel to a western land where all of the deceased relatives lived. The shaman and mourners would light fires for four nights to aid the soul on its journey.

Iroquoian languages include Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Erie, Neutral, Tobacco, and Huron. Iroquoian speakers occupied territories from Lake Erie to the mouth of the St. Lawrence.

Iroquoian society was matrilineal, which means that the female lineage is observed. Family names were matrilineal and all family relations were organized according to the mother's lineage. The family's dwelling, or longhouse, was owned by the elder women and the activities within it were directed by them. Responsibilities of the female elders included organizing agricultural labour, mediation, allocation of land, and food storage and distribution, which endowed these women with power over the village. For example, if warfare was proposed and the women did not approve, the warriors would not be fed. The conflict, therefore, had to be handled in a different manner. An Iroquois woman lived with her intended husband for a trial period prior to marriage, and divorce was accepted. Sexual abstinence lasted two to three years after a child was born to provide uninterrupted breastfeeding. Like the Huron, the Iroquois were divided into exogamous matrilineal clans, each with its own totem animal identifying that clan. Despite this potential for unity, there was a time when the nations of the Iroquois warred among themselves.

The Iroquois and Huron participated in healing societies. One such group of healers called its society "Keeper of Faith". There was also the Iroquois False Face Curing Society, which was perhaps the most famous. In this society, carved wooden masks used in the healing rite were believed to possess spiritual force and depicted an order of mythical beings. Each wooden mask gave special curing powers to the society member who wore the mask.

Religion was a unifying force, both socially and politically, for the Iroquoian peoples. The various clans spent the winter months socializing and participating in festivals. Both male and female members organized ritual activities such as the harvest and mid-winter celebrations. They performed healing rites and made tobacco offerings, and they prayed and danced. By singing, drumming, and participating in the ritual use of tobacco, it was possible to build up one's power, or manitou, the spirit that lived in all human beings and in nature. The drum was the most important of the musical instruments. The Iroquoian used both the tambourine and a double-headed drum. There was also a small, barrel-shaped water drum that made an echoing note capable of carrying a long distance.

The Ononharoia was the main Huron winter festival. It was a soul-curing ritual. The ceremony was celebrated to rid the village of the evil spirits associated with illness or depression. During this three-day celebration, people broke into houses, upset furniture, and shattered pots. Those who were sick then went about the village seeking out objects that had appeared in their dreams. If they got what they were looking for, it meant that their troubles were over.

The Huron believed that everything, including the things they made, had a soul and was immortal. A soul having the power to influence human beings is called oki, and because it controlled the seasons and other natural phenomena, the oki of the sky was considered the most powerful.

The most important of all Huron festivals was the Feast of the Dead. This feast was held every ten years and it usually involved several satellite communities. This feast was a celebration of the dead and a social gathering. The community's dead, who had not had a violent demise, were removed from their individual graves and reburied in a common burial plot. During the ten-day feast, eight days were spent in careful preparation of the corpses, whose flesh was stripped and then burned. The souls of the dead were now free to travel west to the land of the souls. This land was similar to the villages of the deceased but complete with dead members of the family. Here all members of a family lived together as they had when they were alive. During the feast, presents brought by family mourners were collected and redistributed by a village headman. For the Huron, the Feast of the Dead was an act of reverence that also promoted good will among neighbouring communities.

The Iroquois annually held six to eight festivals relating to the cultivation of the soil and the ripening of fruits and berries. There was a seven-day festival when corn was planted, another when it was green, and a third when it was harvested. The leading event in the Iroquois ceremonial year was the mid-winter festival that extended over a week, with the final three days being reserved for games. During the festival, tobacco was burned and the Creator was asked for success in the coming agricultural year.

Young Huron males performed vision quests to seek a personal guardian spirit who would reveal the personal war chant that they were to sing in times of danger. Young girls also performed vision quests. At the time of first menses, a girl becomes a woman in the social hierarchy of the band. For two or three years, she wears an elaborately decorated collar and is confined away from the camp to learn womanly duties. A number of taboos protect her, and she is secluded until she is ready for marriage.

The Five Nations Confederacy was apparently formed in the fifteenth century in response to growing violence and conflict among First Nations groups. Dekanawidah was the heavenly messenger who initiated the confederacy, and Hiawatha was his disciple. Dekanawidah was a peacemaker and taught moral lessons that encouraged co-operation and alliance. A single white pine symbolized the Tree of Peace. The Iroquois buried war clubs and hatchets at the base of the tree, and an eagle perched at the top watched for threats to the peace. The tree's branches signified the protection members received from the alliance. The roots provided the essential moral basis of mind, body, justice, and equality, which are achieved through communal lifeways and collective military power.

Siouian speakers live in the central Plains region of Canada. The Assiniboine who spoke Siouian moved into this region in the nineteenth century.

The economy of the Assiniboine was based on the seasonal bison hunt. A bison was crucial not only for the food it provided, but also for the many items that were made from the body parts. Goods from buffalo include moccasins, mittens, leggings, shirts, robes, and sinew for sewing. Leg bone scrapers, knifes, hide toboggans, horn spoons, and flasks were also made from buffalo.

The clothing of the Assiniboine was decorated with quills, shells, fur, and feathers, which were sewn into elaborate symbolic designs. Whereas hides in the Parkland area were smoked and tanned a brown colour, the Plains people softened and dried hides in the sun, which gave the leather a white colour. Designs on clothing relate to the environment where a band lives. For example, those bands that lived in proximity to the mountains used geometric shapes.

When a girl reached adolescence she performed rites to signify a transition into adulthood. She isolated herself until she envisioned a spirit or a song, which became a symbol of her individual spiritual identity. An adolescent boy also performed initiation rites. He would spend a period of time proving his worthiness as a fearless protector of his people, and this period would be highlighted by a vision from a guardian spirit. This guardian spirit would provide a gift of a song, dance, amulets, or other objects to grant power to the young man. A family's power was associated with these and other sacred objects. Placed inside a medicine bundle they were hidden by the women of the family and protected. Certain of the sacred objects were renown and prized war booty from raids on enemies. Spiritual "medicine bundles" consisted of magical amulets (feathers, birds' beaks, or oddly shaped stones) wrapped in hide. Every object had a unique significance and called for a special song when its owner exposed it to the light. The medicine bundle gave its owner prestige and was thought to bring him wealth and good fortune.

The Sun Dance, a Blackfoot tradition, was an annual gathering that became more prominent after the introduction of the horse. The ceremony was presided over by a holy woman who had taken the vow of virtue and was highly esteemed in the band. A Sun Dance lodge is constructed for the event. A central pole was erected and hung with offerings to the Great Spirit. This pole was then encircled with ten more poles and the whole structure was covered with leafy branches. A bison skull was then placed at the foot of the central pole to signify that the animal is at the junction between the vertical axis of the creator and the horizontal plane of humankind.

Various Plains tribes had similar spiritual beliefs. The great spirits worshipped were the Sun, the Thunderbird, and the Old Man of the Dawn. The Sioux called them wakan tanka - the greatest sacred ones. The classic Sun Dance involved only a few men who fasted, prayed, and danced from the circle wall of the Sun Dance lodge to the central pole and back. Traditionally, the end of the dance entailed some self-torture with sharp skewers that were forced through the skin of the dancer's back and chest. The Sun Dance was a four-day ritual that honoured the buffalo spirit.

Both men and women joined secret societies. The people in these societies timed the seasonal hunts, choreographed the Sun Dance or organised military strategy. Only men joined warrior societies. The right to wear a Buffalo headdress was granted to the man who, in battle, defeated an enemy in hand-to-hand combat and took his scalp. A warrior with a headdress was entitled to marry and establish a household. A headdress that flowed down to the ground indicates that the wearer is a candidate for chief. In addition to military societies, there were numerous dancing societies. Dancing had social and religious functions, and they were usually performed at the tribe's summer gathering. The dances generally reflected the culture's emphasis on hunting and warfare. One dance, with five men in a line, was specifically for warriors who had never run from the enemy. Another dance paid homage to men noted for their liberal sharing of meat after a hunt. Women's societies among the Blood and Northern Blackfoot were called Motokik. These societies were formed with the most respected women of the band and they would come together prior to the Sun Dance celebrations.

The smoking of ceremonial pipes solidified bonds or decisions. Carved from catlinite, a smooth red stone, the pipes were used in a special ritual, which involved blowing smoke towards each of the four cardinal directions, then skyward and finally to earth. Peace pipe ceremonies also played a part in the spiritual beliefs of the Plains First Nations.

The medicine wheels that are found throughout the Plains region appear to have been used for a period of 5,000 years. Their significance is unknown but it has been speculated that they served as direction markers or as sacred or spiritual sites. The ribstones of medicine wheels are often located on the crest of a hill. A number of these medicine wheels show evidence of hunting rituals having been performed there. Another structure created on the Plains is the petroform. Large rocks are arranged to form the shape of a spirit or an animal, such as Mishikenahbik, the snake Manitou. The purpose of these structures is unknown.

The variety of languages within the Wakashan language group is extensive, yet its speakers occupy a relativity small area. These two characteristics of the Wakashan language group signify a long period of in-migration and local development. Languages within these group include Wet'suwet'en, Heiltsuk (Bella Bella), Nuxalk (Bella Coola), Nuu'chah'nulth (Nootka), Kwakwaka'wakw (Kwakiutl), Comox, Cowichan, Nitinat, and Songish. Individuals often spoke more than one language as trade and diplomacy required.

The hierarchical societies of the Wakashan adopted various styles of attire, dwelling, and decoration to demonstrate status. The right to display designs or symbols on dwellings and clothing is inherited or earned. Symbols indicate wealth or trading rights accorded to a family with an important ancestral lineage. These motifs, as well as songs, stories, and masks were family property.

In the summer, men wore nothing but ornaments, while women wore cedar skirts or aprons. In the cooler weather of autumn and winter, both men and women wore capes or blankets with belts and wide-brimmed hats. Blankets were woven from plant fibres, mountain goat fleece or dog hair, and decorated with symbols of ancestral lineage.

The women of the Pacific Coast were the only weavers in Canada and they created blankets that were highly valued in trade and as potlatch gifts. Sea otter cloaks were also highly valued. Cedar was woven into intricate designs for hats, clothes, and household goods, which adored the people and their surroundings. The outer bark of Western Red and Yellow-cedar was separated from the inner bark and woven together. Cedar bark was also used in the manufacture of floor mats, funnel-shaped fish traps, or baskets. Yellow cedar is an ideal material for carving dishes, pots, and utensils. The cedar potlatch feasting bowl was a large ornamental cooking pot that was an important symbol of the clan. Cedar was also used in the construction of masks and totems.

To a family clan, the totem represented both ceremonial privileges and family identity. Figures on clan totems included the cannibal woman; the cannibal man, Bukwus; the sea serpent, Dzunkwa; the split person; and the moon, stars, and rainbow. Animal-spirits depicted were those of the owl, salmon, beaver, starfish, shark, halibut, bullhead, red snapper, mountain goat, bear, eagle, raven, frog, orca, wolf, and the most powerful, the thunderbird. These totem figures taught morality lessons or recounted an adventure that involved the ancestors of the clan. Totems were never worshiped; their power is connected with the tree felled to create the totem.

Pacific Coast art forms incorporated animals and the spirit world. These spirit-animals were representatives of a family's ancestors. Adventures or encounters with spirit beings and ancestors are the genesis and history of the family. The images depicted contain spiritual symbols whose historic significance can only be inferred. For example, the rock etchings of Sproat Lake could possibly be an expression of spirituality or an individual's aesthetic interpretation of his environment. Petroglyph art is difficult or impossible to interpret because the cultural context that surrounded the original manufacturer is not always available.

People from different cultures have different ways of seeing, explaining and living within the world.  They have different ideas about what things are most important, which behaviors are desirable or unacceptable, and how all parts of the world relate to each other.  Together, these opinions and beliefs form a worldview, the perspective from which people perceive, understand and respond to the world around them.

People from the same culture tend to have similar worldviews.  A culture’s worldview evolves from its history, which is the collective experience of the people within the culture over all the years of its existence.  It also includes their beliefs about origin and spiritualism. 

The traditional word view of First Nations and Inuit peoples in Canada differ from the worldviews of people with a non-Aboriginal ancestry.  You might compare a First Nations or Inuit worldview to a Euro-Canadian worldview by drawing a circle and a line. The circular First Nations worldview focuses on connections between all things, including the visible physical world and the invisible spiritual world.  It sees time as always a cycle of renewal that links past and present and future.  In contrast, a linear Euro-Canadian worldview lays out separations between elements of existence (spiritual and material, life and death, animal and human, living and non-living) and sees time as a progression from point to point.(Aboriginal Perspectives 2004, 66-67)

There is no single worldview common to all First Nations, Métis and Inuit individuals. In learning about traditional First Nations and Inuit worldviews, however, it is possible to identify several similarities between many First Nations peoples’ cultures. Five strong threads are that common in Aboriginal worldview are:

• a holistic perspective, 
• the interconnectedness of all living things,
• connections to the land and community,
• the dynamic nature of the world
• the strength of “power with” rather than “power over.” 

The image for this concept is a circle, in which all living things are equal. “Power with” is a dialogue during which everyone stands face to face (Alberta Education 2005, 13).

Perhaps one of the biggest differences between the two world views is the attitude toward the environment. A vital lesson still to be learned in the developed world is that the Earth, its atmosphere, and its waters belong to all people. According to Ken Goodwill, Sioux spiritual leader and lecturer at the First Nations University of Canada, Aboriginal peoples have a unique relationship with their Earth Mother, and they relate all human activities to the Earth Mother. The cultures of Aboriginal peoples are holistic; that is, they are totally integrated with their connection to the Earth Mother. Many First Nations peoples believe that they come from the womb of the Earth itself. For example, when the Sioux refer to “all their relations,” they refer to all living things, be they animal or plant. Further, all things, animate and inanimate, possess spiritual significance.

Go to the Worldview Assignment. Remember that you will use your Google Docs account from Red Deer Catholic Schools (@rdcrs.ca account). All of your assignments need to be created using Google. Do not cut and paste your assignments from Word to Google! Google allows the teacher to see a time stamped revision history of all of your work; thus, this authenticates that it is your work.

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